BV Kakkilaya Inspired Oration – 2025

Balancing Constitutional and Social Morality in Indian Context

By Justiice Govind Mathur, Former Chief Justice, Allahabad High Court
on Sunday, September 14, 2025 at Raveendra Kalabhavana, University College, Mangaluru

BV Kakkilaya Inspired Oration – 2025, titled Balancing Constitutional and Social Morality in Indian Context, was delivered by Justice Govind Mathur, former Chief Justice of Allahabad High Court,  on Sunday, September 14, 2025 at 10am at Raveendra Kalabhavana, University College,  Balmatta, Mangaluru. It was well attended by intellectuals, academics, writers, lawyers and general public. The oration was organised under the aegis of Hosatu Monthly, Bangalore, MS Krishnan Trust, Bangalore, and Samadarshi Vedike, Mangalore.

The annual BV Kakkilaya Inspired Orations are being organised since 2013 as a tribute to the life and work of Sri BV Kakkilaya (1919-2012), and to promote alternative thought and approach to the problems of the suffering masses of our country.

Delivering the oration, Justice Govind Mathurephasised that the Constitution of India is supreme and its basic principles, including secularism, cannot be changed by anyone.

A summary of his oration is given below:

India’s freedom struggle was not just for liberation from British rule. Provinces that were under local princely rule and not the British rule, but  like Rajasthan, Gwalior, Gujarat etc., also saw struggles for freedom. People across the country fought against the British and the monarchy, against colonialism and feudalism, against exploitation, against inequality and untouchability. Mahatma Gandhi, the foremost leader of the freedom movement, had also fought not only for freedom from British rule but also against untouchability and against the inequality of women. Not only political leaders but also social reformers and revolutionaries actively participated in the struggle for freedom from Britiosh rule as well as social evils.

After independence, the Constituent Assembly included representatives of all classes to realize these aspirations of the freedom struggle. Political leaders of the Congress and the Left parties, and others like Shyama Prasad Mukherjee from the Hindu Mahasabha were part of the Constituent Assembly. After deep deliberations, such a Constituent Assembly drafted a constitution that embodied the aspirations of the freedom struggle such as freedom, equality, fraternity, secularism, and intentions to defeat social evils such as untouchability, superstition, sectarianism, and atrocities on women. This constitutional morality embodies the supreme values ​​applicable to all citizens of the country. As emphasised by Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar on the eve of its adoption, our Constitution is not only a political and legal document, but also a social document.

There were and still are forces opposing constitutional morality. In the last two to three decades, the trend of rejecting constitutional morality has been strengthening. For this, the pretext of social and religious morality is being used. It is regrettable that all the social moralities that are glorified in this way are nothing but social ills. For example, the extremely inhumane practice of sati was banned in 1829 during the British rule. But in 1987, in Deorala, Rajasthan, Roop Kanwar, who was only 18 years old, was forced to consecrate herself on her husband’s pyre and her death was glorified. After that, the ban on glorification was added to the law prohibiting consecration of sati. But even now, every year on the day of Roop Kanwar’s murder, messages paying tribute to her as Sati Mata are filled in all the media, particularly the social media. Temples have been built in many parts of Rajasthan for her and others who committed Sati, and recently the number of visitors to them has increased to thousands. There is even a temple on a highway in Rajasthan where one can garland a motorbike and receive its prasad and blessings. Many such myths and superstitions are increasingly becoming social evils and are taking the form of morality. This is hurting the constitutional hope that it is the duty of citizens to develop a scientific mindset.

Bursting crackers during festivals and playing loud music are social problems. Although these are not part of our old rituals, they are being portrayed as such and argued as rights. We are seeing the Supreme Court and the judges being abused in various ways for asking why firecrackers are not only causing air pollution in Delhi but also across the country. The Supreme Court had banned the use of loud speakers after 10pm following a public interest litigation filed when a thirteen-year-old girl was sexually abused under the noise of loud music and died without anyone hearing her screams, but this order was opposed in the name of religious observances and the order itself was changed, allowing time till midnight and giving the local authorities the power to control, due to which the measures to control noise pollution were defeated. During the hearing of a petition challenging the order to display the names of shopkeepers on the roads during the Kanwar Yatra in Uttar Pradesh, the government itself put forward unscientific arguments before the court that the Yatra would benefit the environment. Thus, it is worrying that the trend of justifying social evils and polluting practices and abusing the laws and courts that prevent them is increasing. The tactics of attacking and pressuring the courts that protect constitutional morality in the name of social morality and practices are dangerous.

Today, the struggles against anti-constitutional social evils are declining or non-existent. Instead, the trend of filing public interest petitions in the courts to prevent the social evils and expecting relief from the courts is increasing. It is essential and everyone’s responsibility to organize strong struggles against social evils.

https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/mangaluru/combat-social-evils-through-constitutional-morality-justice-mathur/articleshow/123885273.cms

https://www.thehindu.com/news/cities/Mangalore/healthy-traditions-of-society-should-be-protected-former-chief-justice-of-allahabad-hc/article70048903.ece

ಈ ವರ್ಷ 2025ರ  ಬಿವಿ ಕಕ್ಕಿಲ್ಲಾಯ ಪ್ರೇರಿತ ಉಪನ್ಯಾಸವು ಸೆಪ್ಟೆಂಬರ್ 14ರಂದು ಮಂಗಳೂರಿನ ವಿಶ್ವವಿದ್ಯಾಲಯ ಕಾಲೇಜಿನ ರವೀಂದ್ರ ಕಲಾಭವನದಲ್ಲಿ ನಡೆಯಿತು. ಭಾರತದಲ್ಲಿ ಸಾಂವಿಧಾನಿಕ ಮತ್ತು ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ನೈತಿಕತೆಗಳ ಸಮತೋಲನ ಎಂಬ ವಿಷಯದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಮಾತಾಡಿದ ಅಲಹಾಬಾದ್ ಉಚ್ಚ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯದ ವಿಶ್ರಾಂತ ಮುಖ್ಯ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಧೀಶರಾದ ನ್ಯಾ. ಗೋವಿಂದ ಮಾಥುರ್ ಅವರು ಭಾರತದ ಸಂವಿಧಾನವು ಪರಮೋಚ್ಛವಾಗಿದ್ದು, ಜಾತ್ಯತೀತತೆಯೂ ಸೇರಿದಂತೆ ಅದರ ಮೂಲ ಆಶಯಗಳನ್ನು ಯಾರಿಂದಲೂ ಬದಲಾಯಿಸಲು ಸಾಧ್ಯವಿಲ್ಲ ಎಂದರು.

ಅವರ ಉಪನ್ಯಾಸದ ಸಾರಾಂಶ ಇಲ್ಲಿದೆ:

ಭಾರತದ ಸ್ವಾತಂತ್ರ್ಯ ಸಂಗ್ರಾಮವು ಕೇವಲ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷ್ ಆಳ್ವಿಕೆಯಿಂದ ವಿಮೋಚನೆಗಾಗಿ ಮಾತ್ರವೇ ಆಗಿರಲಿಲ್ಲ. ರಾಜಸ್ಥಾನದಂತಹ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷ್ ಆಡಳಿತದಡಿ ಇಲ್ಲದೇ ಸ್ಥಳೀಯ ರಾಜಾಳ್ವಿಕೆಯಡಿ ಇದ್ದ ಪ್ರದೇಶಗಳಲ್ಲೂ ಸ್ವಾತಂತ್ರ್ಯ ಸಂಗ್ರಾಮಗಳು ನಡೆದಿದ್ದವು. ಒಟ್ಟಿನಲ್ಲಿ ದೇಶದಾದ್ಯಂತ ಜನರು ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷ್ ಹಾಗೂ ರಾಜಸತ್ತೆಯ ವಿರುದ್ಧವಾಗಿ, ಪಾಳೆಯಗಾರಿಕೆ ಹಾಗೂ ಊಳಿಗಮಾನ್ಯ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆಯ ವಿರುದ್ಧವಾಗಿ, ಶೋಷಣೆಯ ವಿರುದ್ಧವಾಗಿ, ಅಸಮಾನತೆ ಹಾಗೂ ಅಸ್ಪೃಶ್ಯತೆಯ ವಿರುದ್ಧವಾಗಿ ಹೋರಾಡಿದ್ದರು. ಸ್ವಾತಂತ್ರ್ಯ ಚಳುವಳಿಯ ಅಗ್ರಗಣ್ಯ ನಾಯಕರಾಗಿದ್ದ ಮಹಾತ್ಮ ಗಾಂಧಿಯವರೂ ಕೂಡ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷ್ ಆಳ್ವಿಕೆಯಿಂದ ಸ್ವಾತಂತ್ರ್ಯಕ್ಕಷ್ಟೇ ಅಲ್ಲದೆ ಅಸ್ಪೃಶ್ಯತೆಯ ವಿರುದ್ಧ, ಮಹಿಳಾ ಅಸಮಾನತೆಯ ವಿರುದ್ಧವೂ ಹೋರಾಡಿದ್ದರು. ಸ್ವಾತಂತ್ರ್ಯ ಸಂಗ್ರಾಮದಲ್ಲಿ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ನಾಯಕರು ಮಾತ್ರವೇ ಅಲ್ಲದೆ ಸಮಾಜ ಸುಧಾರಕರು, ಕ್ರಾಂತಿಕಾರಿಗಳು ಕೂಡ ಸಕ್ರಿಯವಾಗಿ ಭಾಗಿಯಾಗಿದ್ದರು.

ಸ್ವಾತಂತ್ರ್ಯಾನಂತರ ಈ ಆಶಯಗಳನ್ನು ಸಾಕಾರಗೊಳಿಸುವುದಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ಸಂವಿಧಾನ ರಚನಾ ಸಭೆಯಲ್ಲೂ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ವರ್ಗಗಳ ಪ್ರತಿನಿಧಿಗಳು ಪ್ರಾತಿನಿಧ್ಯ ಪಡೆದಿದ್ದರು. ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಹಾಗೂ ಎಡ ಪಕ್ಷಗಳ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ನಾಯಕರು, ಹಿಂದೂ ಮಹಾ ಸಭಾದಂತಹ ಸಂಘಟನೆಗಳಿಂದ ಶ್ಯಾಮ ಪ್ರಸಾದ್ ಮುಖರ್ಜಿಯಂತವರು ಸಂವಿಧಾನ ಸಭೆಯಲ್ಲಿದ್ದರು. ಇಂತಹ ಸಂವಿಧಾನ ಸಭೆಯು ಆಳವಾದ ಚರ್ಚೆಗಳ ಬಳಿಕ ಸ್ವಾತಂತ್ರ್ಯ ಸಂಗ್ರಾಮದ ಆಶಯಗಳಾದ ಸ್ವಾತಂತ್ರ್ಯ, ಸಮಾನತೆ, ಭ್ರಾತೃತ್ವ, ಮತ ನಿರಪೇಕ್ಷತೆಗಳನ್ನೊಳಗೊಂಡ, ಅಸ್ಪೃಶ್ಯತೆ, ಮೂಢ ನಂಬಿಕೆ, ಮತೀಯವಾದ, ಮಹಿಳೆಯರ ಮೇಲೆ ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯಗಳಂತಹ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಪಿಡುಗುಗಳನ್ನು ತಿರಸ್ಕರಿಸುವ ಸಂವಿಧಾನವನ್ನು ರಚಿಸಲಾಯಿತು. ಇವುಗಳೇ ಸಾಂವಿಧಾನಿಕ ನೈತಿಕತೆಯಾಗಿದ್ದು, ದೇಶದ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ನಾಗರಿಕರಿಗೆ ಅನ್ವಯಿಸುವ ಪರಮೋಚ್ಚ ಮೌಲ್ಯಗಳಾಗಿವೆ. ಡಾ. ಬಾಬಾ ಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಅವರು ಸಂವಿಧಾನ ಅಂಗೀಕಾರದ ಹಿಂದಿನ ದಿನ ಹೇಳಿದ್ದಂತೆ ನಮ್ಮ ಸಂವಿಧಾನವು ಕೇವಲ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಹಾಗೂ ನ್ಯಾಯಿಕ ಸಂಹಿತೆಯಷ್ಟೇ ಅಲ್ಲ, ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಸಂಹಿತೆಯೂ ಆಗಿದೆ.

ಸಾಂವಿಧಾನಿಕ ಮೌಲ್ಯಗಳನ್ನು ವಿರೋಧಿಸುವ ಶಕ್ತಿಗಳು ಅಂದೂ ಇದ್ದವು, ಈಗಲೂ ಇವೆ. ಕಳೆದ ಎರಡು ಮೂರು ದಶಕಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಸಾಂವಿಧಾನಿಕ ನೈತಿಕತೆಯನ್ನು ತಿರಸ್ಕರಿಸುವ ಪ್ರವೃತ್ತಿಯು ಬಲಗೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಇದಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ, ಧಾರ್ಮಿಕ ನೈತಿಕತೆಗಳ ನೆಪವನ್ನು ಬಳಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಹೀಗೆ ವೈಭವೀಕರಿಸುವ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ನೈತಿಕತೆಗಳೆಲ್ಲವೂ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಪಿಡುಗಗಳೇ ಆಗಿವೆ ಎನ್ನುವುದು ಖೇದನೀಯವಾಗಿದೆ. ಉದಾಹರಣೆಗೆ, ತೀರಾ ಅಮಾನವೀಯವಾದ ಸತಿಸಹಮನ ಪದ್ಧತಿಯನ್ನು 1829ರಲ್ಲಿ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷ್ ಆಡಳಿತದಲ್ಲೇ ನಿಷೇಧಿಸಲಾಗಿತ್ತು. ಆದರೆ 1987ರಲ್ಲಿ ರಾಜಸ್ಥಾನದ ದೇವೋರಾಲಾದಲ್ಲಿ ಕೇವಲ 18ರಾ ವಯಸ್ಸಿನ ರೂಪ್ ಕನ್ವರ್ ಅವರನ್ನು ಪತಿಯ ಚಿತೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಸಹಗಮನಕ್ಕೆ ದೂಡಲಾಯಿತು, ವೈಭವೀಕರಿಸಲಾಯಿತು. ಅದಾದ ಬಳಿಕ ಸತಿ ಸಹಗಮನವನ್ನು ನಿಷೇಧಿಸುವ ಕಾಯಿದೆಯ ಜೊತೆಗೆ ವೈಭವೀಕರಣದ ನಿಷೇಧವನ್ನೂ ಸೇರಿಸಲಾಯಿತು. ಆದರೆ ಈಗಲೂ ಪ್ರತೀ ವರ್ಷ ರೂಪ್ ಕನ್ವರ್ ಹತರಾದ ದಿನದಂದು ಆಕೆಗೆ ಸತಿಮಾತೆ ಎಂದು ಶ್ರದ್ಧಾಂಜಲಿ ಸಲ್ಲಿಸುವ ಸಂದೇಶಗಳು ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಮಾಧ್ಯಮಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ತುಂಬಿಕೊಂಡಿರುತ್ತವೆ. ರಾಜಸ್ಥಾನದ ಅನೇಕ ಕಡೆ ಅಲ್ಲಲ್ಲಿ ಆಕೆಗೂ, ಸತಿ ಸಹಗಮನ ಮಾಡಿಕೊಂಡ ಇತರರಿಗೂ ಗುಡಿಗಳನ್ನು ಕಟ್ಟಲಾಗಿದ್ದು, ಇತ್ತೀಚೆಗೆ ಅವುಗಳಿಗೆ ಭೇಟಿ ನೀಡುವವರ ಸಂಖ್ಯೆಯು ಸಾವಿರಕ್ಕೇರುತ್ತಿದೆ. ರಾಜಸ್ಥಾನದ ಹೆದ್ದಾರಿಯೊಂದರಲ್ಲಿ ಮೋಟಾರ್ ಬೈಕ್ ಒಂದಕ್ಕೆ ಮಾಲೆ ಹಾಕಿ ಅದರ ಪ್ರಸಾದ ಪಡೆಯುವ ಮಂದಿರವೂ ಇದೆ. ಇಂಥ ಅನೇಕ ಕಂದಾಚಾರಗಳು, ಮೂಢ ನಂಬಿಕೆಗಳು ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಪಿಡುಗುಗಳಾಗಿ ನೈತಿಕತೆಯ ರೂಪ ಧರಿಸಿ ಮೆರೆಯುವುದು ಹೆಚ್ಚುತ್ತಿದೆ. ವೈಜ್ಞಾನಿಕ ಮನೋವೃತ್ತಿಯನ್ನು ಬೆಳೆಸುವುದು ನಾಗರಿಕರ ಕರ್ತವ್ಯವೆಂಬ ಸಾಂವಿಧಾನಿಕ ಆಶಯಕ್ಕೆ ಇದರಿಂದ ಧಕ್ಕೆಯಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ.

ಹಬ್ಬಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಪಟಾಕಿ ಸಿಡಿಸುವುದು, ಕರ್ಣಕಠೋರವಾಗಿ ಸಂಗೀತ ಹಾಕುವುದು ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಸಮಸ್ಯೆಗಳಾಗಿವೆ. ಇವು ನಮ್ಮ ಹಳೆಯ ಆಚರಣೆಗಳ ಭಾಗಗಳಲ್ಲದಿದ್ದರೂ, ಅವನ್ನು ಹಾಗೆಂದು ಬಿಂಬಿಸಿ ಹಕ್ಕುಗಳೆಂಬಂತೆ ವಾದಿಸಲಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಪಟಾಕಿಯಿಂದ ವಾಯುಮಾಲಿನ್ಯ ಹೆಚ್ಚುವುದರಿಂದ ಕೇವಲ ದಿಲ್ಲಿಯಲ್ಲಷ್ಟೇ ಏಕೆ, ದೇಶದಾದ್ಯಂತ ಅವನ್ನು ನಿಯಂತ್ರಿಸಬಾರದೇ ಸಾಧ್ಯವಿಲ್ಲ ಎಂದು ಸರ್ವೋಚ್ಚ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯವು ಪ್ರಶ್ನಿಸಿದ್ದಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯವನ್ನೂ, ನ್ಯಾಯಾಧೀಶರನ್ನೂ ಬಗೆಬಗೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ನಿಂದಿಸಲಾಗುತ್ತಿರುವುದನ್ನು ನೋಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದೇವೆ. ಜೋರಾದ ಸಂಗೀತದ ಗದ್ದಲವನ್ನು ದುರುಪಯೋಗಿಸಿ ಹದಿಮೂರರ ಬಾಲಕಿಯ ಮೇಲೆ ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯವೆಸಗಿ, ಆಕೆಯ ಚೀರಾಟವು ಯಾರಿಗೂ ಕೇಳದೆ ಆಕೆ ಸಾವಿಗೀಡಾದಾಗ ಸರ್ವೋಚ್ಚ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯವು ರಾತ್ರಿ ಹತ್ತರ ಬಳಿಕ ವಿಪರೀತ ಶಬ್ದ ಮಾಡಬಾರದೆಂದು ಆದೇಶಿಸಿತು, ಆದರೆ ಇದನ್ನು ಧಾರ್ಮಿಕ ಆಚರಣೆಗಳ ಹೆಸರಲ್ಲಿ ವಿರೋಧಿಸಿ ಆದೇಶವನ್ನೇ ಮಾರ್ಪಡಿಸುವಂತೆ ಮಾಡಲಾಯಿತು, ಮಧ್ಯರಾತ್ರಿಯವರೆಗೆ ಅವಕಾಶ ಕೊಟ್ಟು, ನಿಯಂತ್ರಿಸುವ ಅಧಿಕಾರವನ್ನು ಸ್ಥಳೀಯಾಧಿಕಾರಿಗಳಿಗೆ ನೀಡಲಾಯಿತು, ಇದರಿಂದಾಗಿ ಶಬ್ದ ಮಾಲಿನ್ಯವನ್ನು ನಿಯಂತ್ರಿಸುವ ಕ್ರಮಗಳು ಸೋತು ಹೋದಂತೆಯೇ ಆದವು. ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶದಲ್ಲಿ ಕನ್ವರಿಯ ಯಾತ್ರೆಯ ವೇಳೆ ದಾರಿಯಲ್ಲಿರುವ ಅಂಗಡಿಗಳವರು ತಮ್ಮ ಹೆಸರುಗಳನ್ನು ಪ್ರದರ್ಶಿಸಬೇಕೆಂಬ ಆದೇಶವನ್ನು ಪ್ರಶ್ನಿಸಿದ ಅರ್ಜಿಯ ವಿಚಾರಣೆಯ ವೇಳೆ, ಈ ಯಾತ್ರೆಯಿಂದ ಪರಿಸರಕ್ಕೆ ಲಾಭವಿದೆ ಎಂಬ ಅವೈಜ್ಞಾನಿಕ ವಾದಗಳನ್ನು ಸರಕಾರವೇ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯದ ಮುಂದಿರಿಸಿತು. ಹೀಗೆ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಪಿಡುಗುಗಳನ್ನು, ಮಾಲಿನ್ಯಕರ ಕ್ರಮಗಳನ್ನು ಸಮರ್ಥಿಸುತ್ತಾ, ಅವನ್ನು ತಡೆಯುವ ಕಾನೂನುಗಳನ್ನೂ, ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯಗಳನ್ನೂ ನಿಂದಿಸುವ ಪ್ರವೃತ್ತಿಯು ಹೆಚ್ಚುತ್ತಿರುವುದು ಕಳವಳಕಾರಿಯಾಗಿದೆ. ಸಾಂವಿಧಾನಿಕ ನೈತಿಕತೆಯನ್ನು ರಕ್ಷಿಸುವ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯಗಳ ಮೇಲೆ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ನೈತಿಕತೆಯ ಹೆಸರಲ್ಲಿ, ಆಚರಣೆಗಳ ಹೆಸರಲ್ಲಿ ದಾಳಿ ಮಾಡಿ ಒತ್ತಡ ಹೇರುವ ತಂತ್ರಗಳು ಅಪಾಯಕಾರಿಯಾಗಿವೆ.

ಇಂದು ಸಂವಿಧಾನ ವಿರೋಧಿ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಪಿಡುಗುಗಳ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಹೋರಾಟಗಳು ಕ್ಷೀಣಿಸುತ್ತಿವೆ ಅಥವಾ ಇಲ್ಲವಾಗಿವೆ. ಬದಲಿಗೆ ಇವನ್ನು ತಡೆಯಲು ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಸಾರ್ವಜನಿಕ ಹಿತಾಸಕ್ತಿ ಅರ್ಜಿಗಳನ್ನು ಸಲ್ಲಿಸಿ ಅಲ್ಲಿಂದ ಪರಿಹಾರವನ್ನು ನಿರೀಕ್ಷಿಸುವ ಪ್ರವೃತ್ತಿಯು ಹೆಚ್ಚುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ಪಿಡುಗುಗಳ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಬಲವಾದ ಹೋರಾಟಗಳನ್ನು ಸಂಘಟಿಸುವುದು ಅತ್ಯಗತ್ಯವಾಗಿದೆ, ಎಲ್ಲರ ಜವಾಬ್ದಾರಿಯೂ ಆಗಿದೆ.

https://www.prajavani.net/district/dakshina-kannada/secularism-cannot-be-removed-constitution-govind-mathur-3532731

ಸಂವಿಧಾನದ ʼಜಾತ್ಯತೀತತೆʼ ಆಶಯವನ್ನು ತಿದ್ದುಪಡಿ ಮಾಡಲು ಯಾರಿಂದಲೂ ಸಾಧ್ಯವಿಲ್ಲ – ನ್ಯಾ. ಗೋವಿಂದ ಮಾಥುರ್ – ಕನ್ನಡ ಪ್ಲಾನೆಟ್

https://kannadaplanet.com/no-one-can-amend-the-secularism-aspiration-justice-govind-mathur/

BV Kakkilaya Inspired Oration – 2024, titled Split in the CPI- Causes and Consequences, was delivered by Com. Anil Rajimwale, an outstanding Marxist theoretician, member of the National Council of CPI, Secretary of Central Party Education Department and General Secretary of All India Progressive Forum (AIPF),  on Sunday, September 29, 2024 at 10am at Bishop Jathanna Auditorium, near Sahodaya, Balmatta, Mangaluru. It was well attended by intellectuals, academics, writers, and the leaders and members of both the CPI and CPM. The oration was organised under the aegis of Hosatu Monthly, Bangalore, MS Krishnan Trust, Bangalore, and Samadarshi Vedike, Mangalore.

The annual BV Kakkilaya Inspired Orations are being organised since 2013 as a tribute to the life and work of Sri BV Kakkilaya (1919-2012), and to promote alternative thought and approach to the problems of the suffering masses of our country.

The year 2024  marks 60 years of the split in the Communist Party of India, and next year happens to be the Centenary year of the foundation of the CPI. The topic for this year’s BV Kakkilaya Oration was chosen to revisit those pages of history and to analyse the consequences of that event on the Indian socio-political spheres.

Delivering the oration, Com Rajimwale opined that the split in the communist and revolutionary movements have proved to be utterly harmful to democracy and gave impetus to the right-wing extremism. He lauded the coming together  of the communist and democratic forces to form the INDIA alliance  as a good development to help fight the fascist forces.

Com. Rajimwale said that disregarding the scientific path to revolution shown by Lenin has been the primary reason for the confusions and crisis in theinternational  communist movement. He pointed out the position taken by MN Roy at the 2^nd congress of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1920, suggesting to overthrow the leadership of ‘bourgeois’ leaders like Gandhiji and others so as to gain the leadership of the the national liberation (freedom) struggle for the communists, and Lenin’s  complete rejection of this position, asserting the need for the Communists everywhere and at all times to participate in the freedom struggles and bourgeois democratic movements, even if they were under the bourgeois leadership, provided they, the Communists, maintained their independent positions. After Lenin, the Stalinist and Maoist paths c4reated diversions, confusions and divisions within the communist parties in many countries, including India.

Com. Anil Rajimwale recounted that following the Quit India movement, Com PC Joshi, the then general secretary of the CPI, gave a new direction to the party, by building mass movements, integrating it with the national liberation struggle. He also developed the cultural wings within the party, such as the IPTA. All these made him and the party very attractive and respectable, so much so that Com. Joshi was considered as tall a leader as Subhash Chandra Bose and Jawharlal Nehru. However, he was opposed within the party and removed, paving the way for the so called BTR Line and Rajeshwar Rao line. The BTR Line sought to impose armed revolution by overthrowing Nehru government and establish ‘socialist’ regime. The call for a general and indefinite railway strike beginning on 9 March 1949, supposedly ‘leading to revolution’, failed completely.  ‘Chinese line’ under com C Rajeswara Rao, beginning in May 1950 also failed. Calls for armed struggles against the government of free India not only alienated the people, but also angered the government, which led to the ban on the CPI. Thereafter, under Com Ajoy Ghosh as general secretary, a slow return to mainstream politics began, dominated by open mass struggles and participation in parliamentary struggles. CPI decided to participate in the general elections of 1951-52, in which it became the main opposition. In 1957 elections, CPI won in Kerala and formed a government.

However, some leaders of the party continued to be enamoured by the Chinese cultural revolution and sought to copy the same in India. CPI came to verge of a split in its Vijayawada congress in 1961. Parallel organizations were already being formed by those following the Chinese line, who had their roots in the BTR line of 1948. The aggression by China on the Indian borders in October 1962 was a grave error and destroyed the great ‘Hindi-Chini Bhai Bhai’ or India-China friendship. People turned anti-Communist and the situation became grim for the CPI. The situation was saved by the unconditional and unambiguous condemnation by the CPI in October-November 1962, which also extended its full support for the defence measures by the Nehru government. The Soviet Communist Party also condemned Chinese aggression.

The CPI overcame these reverses and the first ever ‘March to Parliament’ was held on 13 September 1963, a red letter day in the post-Independence India. Lakhs of people gathered before the Parliament with more than a crore of signature on a People’s Petition. But the party was dealt a severe blow in 1964 when 32 out of 101 NC CPI members walked out of NC meeting in April 1964 in a pre-planned manner. The split was the result of tactical differences rather than personal and egoistic issues.

Com. Anil Rajimwale asserted that the split in teh communist party destroyed the upsurge of youth, workers and peasanta struggles, and led to vertical splits in the Kisan Sabha, trade unions, student-youth organizations, throwing all these into confusion and disarray. This eventually led to the rise of fascist and communal forces who have now captured power, to the detriment of the very fabric of our nation and its great Constitution.

Com. Rajimwale highlighted the fact that India had a very unique position when it was liberated from the imperialist colonialism. Nehru, the first prime minister, was Marxist in his ideology and had a drawn a socilaist roadmap for developing the country, with importance given to the public sector. The Constitution of India, developed with the participation of all sections of the political spectrum, was the most voluminous and the best document of the time, that guaranteed equality and adult franchise for every citizen, irrespective of religion, caste, gender and socio-economic status. Com. Rajimwale asserted that sucha situation and such a Constitution provided a unique opportunity fo rthe Communists to usher in a socialist society through democratic electoral process. Comparing the path taken by Ho Chin Minh in Vietnam, Com. Rajimwale opined that the Communists in India also had a similar opoortunity to integrate nationalism with socilaistic policies in India and that nationalism is not the monopoly of the right wing and it should not be allowed to be so.

Com. Siddanagouda Patil and Com B Shakhar felicitating Com Anil Rajimwale

He blamed some of the wrong decisions taken by the communist leaders for the present condition in the country and the communist parties. Stating that two communist leaders prevented Jyothi Basu from becoming the Prime Minister of the country, he said the country would have progressed in a different direction and there would have been no space for extreme right wing if Basu had become the PM. Stating that the country is going through a very difficult phase, he said the responsibility to improve the situation also lies with communists. “Because of our lack of awareness and lack of scientific analysis of communal forces, it took 10 long years to come to an understanding and form I.N.D.I.A bloc. It’s a good development that left forces and democratic forces are coming together,” he said.

Dr Srinivas Kakkilaya welcomed. Tributes were paid to Com Sitaram Yechury, general secretary of the CPIM, Com. RS Rajaram, the architect of Navakarnataka Publications, and Com. BK Krishnappa, past district secretary of teh CPI, who passed away recently.

Prof. Keshavan Veluthat, Ajay Madhavan, Prof. Jarayaj Amin, Prof. Phaniraj and others actively particiated in the discussions.

Dr Siddanagouda Patil, Editor, Hosatu monthly, stressed the need for left unity and merger of all the streams of the communist movement in India, and expressed hope that such a day will not be far. He also proposed the vote of thanks.